نشریه مطالعات سیاسی جهان اسلام
پیاپی 41 (بهار 1401)

Each of the owners of theories of revolution seeks to research and understand the causes and contexts of the revolution in different countries. One of the revolutionary theories that developed in the twentieth century was Chalmers Johnson's theory of revolutionary evolution. The purpose of this article is to apply Johnson's theory of the 2011 revolution in Tunisia. So the main question of this article is to what extent is Chalmers Johnson's theory capable of tracing the roots and explaining the causes of the revolution in question?

The leading article uses the descriptive-analytical method and in the framework of Chalmers Johnson's theory of revolutionary evolution, seeks to apply and test this theory with revolutionary developments in the mentioned country.

According to studies of the three main factors of the revolution from Johnson's perspective, namely imbalance, elite inflexibility and accelerating factors, only the first and third factors (imbalance, accelerating factors) with the cause of the revolution in Tunisia They are adaptable, but the inflexibility factor of the elites is not adaptable to any of the causes of the revolution in the mentioned country.

Johnson's theory of revolutionary transformation does not have the full and comprehensive applicability to explain the revolution in Tunisia.

The social and political situation of the resistance in Lebanon is an important issue, the consequences of which are examined in this article. Because Lebanon, in terms of sectarianism and political tradition, is always embroiled in disputes, one of which is resistance. The purpose is to explain these differences and the consequences.

The problem of the article is the emphasis on social dynamics of resistance. The library and documentary methods have been used, and in the data analysis stage, the trend analysis method has been applied.

The findings of the study show that although there are political trends against the resistance inside Lebanon that are mostly seen by local tribes, the government and the anti-resistance coalition led by the United States and some allied countries, but the performance of the resistance and powerful achievements that Not only for Lebanon, but also for many countries in the region, including Syria, which came under the intervention of extremist groups, and found a strong and positive position, showing resistance beyond Lebanon, on a regional and even global scale.

Due to various variables, especially the Lebanese tribal context and foreign interventions to gain more points, there is a wide range of differences in Lebanon. These differences have played a major role in political instability and the cessation of programs. One of the controversial examples in the structure of Lebanese sectarian thinking is the weakening of the resistance and its disarmament in Lebanon and Hezbollah. In this regard, the US-led regional coalition is trying to distort Hezbollah's popular position under the pretext of a regional threat. The conclusion of this article is that there are always political movements against the resistance by local tribes, the government and the anti-resistance coalition. But the nature of the resistance and its important achievements in maintaining Lebanon's territorial independence against Israel and foreign aggressors, as well as in countries in the region that are plagued by extremist groups (such as Syria and occupied Palestine), Hezbollah's resistance in Lebanon and in the region and even It strengthens the global dimension and is welcomed by nations.

Islamism in Saudi Arabia, which is based on the Wahhabi reading of Islam, forms the maximum spectrum in Saudi society. Despite the minimal spectra, like the Shiites and other Sunni sects, there are in Saudi Arabia, but due to the rule of the royal family and Wahhabism in the political and social spheres of society, in practice, such currents in society are not allowed to emerge and manifest their identity policies. Hence, the Islamist identity policies in Saudi Arabia are based on the reading of Wahhabi Islam and its currents, like official Wahhabism, Sahihs and jihadists. The main question of the article is what are the characteristics of Islamist identity policies in Saudi Arabia?

The method of this research is documentary analysis and data collection is in the form of library and interview.

Islamism in Wahhabi reading is one of the main foundations of Saudi Arabia's identity and the royal family derives its legitimacy from it. In this area, everything is exclusively in the hands of Wahhabism, and the phenomenon of religious pluralism and pluralism in Saudi Arabia has been prevented. The hallmarks of Islamist identity policies stem from currents such as official Wahhabism, Sahihs, and jihadists.

After examining the backgrounds, components, goals, challenges and obstacles of Islamist currents, the characteristics of Islamist identity policies were identified, which are: legitimizing the actions and decisions of the Saudi government, opposing Western culture and themes, takfir and jihad against polytheists, discriminatory measures against Shiites and depriving them of basic rights to life, strict laws against women and their anonymity, opposition and opposition to liberals and secularists, educational system and legal system based on the teachings of Wahhabism, opposition to democracy and denial people's political participation, the spread of Wahhabism, the emphasis on traditionalism and opposition to modernity.

Some Saudi leaders (technocrats), led by Mohammed bin Salman, presented a vision for 2030 to rid the country of a monopoly economy and its consequences.

To review the content of the 2030 document of Saudi Arabia.

This research is an analytical-descriptive type that the researcher has collected information by using valid internal and external documents.

Based on the research findings, the 2030 document has various dimensions, in which the most attention has been paid to the economic dimension. However, the internal conditions of the components of power and the countries of the region and trans-regional have a direct impact on the implementation of the document, and on the other hand, the realization of the 2030 document is effective in improving the position of the regions of Saudi Arabia. However, the obstacles that exist in the path of the 2030 document will make it difficult to achieve the axes of the document in the future. However, studies in this area show that the minimum implementation of the 2030 document is also a positive step and a development trend for the Saudis, because it will change the internal developments and regional policies of this country. Therefore, by focusing on the 1404 axis in the coming years, Iran can create a platform in its policies and compete with its rival or, in other words, its regional rival in various fields.

This study examines the areas and contexts of the New Arab peace and Israel deals in the light of Iran’s regional policies.   

The present study uses descriptive-analytical method and library resources to analyze the issue. Based on the “neoclassical realism” approach, the question has been raised that what are the basic grounds and contexts of the new Arab-Israel peace in the light of Iran’s regional policies? In answer to this question, the proposed hypothesis is that the both feel common threat and it is a security issue that seeks to change the order of the area to their advantage.

The analysis of this study shows that the Arab countries in the region, especially after the recent developments in west Asia including the Arab Spring and the strengthening of the resistance axis, have resorted to this peace strategy with Israel in order to maintain their security.

Research findings show that Israel’s due to withdrawal from diplomatic isolation in the region and also with the aim of isolating Iran in the region and the Arabs also because of ensuring their security and the survival of the monarchy and the fear of gaining the liberation movements did this important thing.

The purpose of this study is to investigate the reasons for the presence and rise of ISIS in Afghanistan; ISIS has been present in Afghanistan since 2015; And in 2021, after the US withdrew and the Taliban came to power in this country, it announced its strategy to oppose the Taliban and kill Shiites. Accordingly, in the light of internal insecurity in Afghanistan, they posed various security, political and geopolitical threats to Afghanistan and Iran.

 The present study uses descriptive-analytical method and Barry Buzan's theory of social security riddle to investigate the subject; the causes, goals and rise of ISIS in the wake of the insecurity crisis in Afghanistan and its impact on the security of the Islamic Republic of Iran are examined in this way.

 The political crisis and security challenge in Afghanistan originates from three cultural-social, economic-political and geopolitical levels. At the cultural-social level, the element and key of "tribe-centricity", the element of "poverty-unemployment" at the economic level, "internal power vacuum" at the political level and "competition of regional and extra-regional powers" at the geopolitical level are important. Internal violence between conflicting identities has not only hindered the formation of comprehensive civil authority, but has also provided space for foreign powers to intervene by supporting each of the conflicting identities, and this issue affects Iran's security.

Afghanistan's internal crisis has no military solution, and negotiations to balance the involved groups are the only viable solution to end the crisis. Otherwise, groups like ISIS have a very high potential and motivation to operate in Afghanistan. Of course, countries like Iran, whose security is affected by the security of Afghanistan, must work together to form an inclusive people's government.